Thursday, July 26, 2018

July 26, 2018 -- A Quick Run Around the Web

"This is Why You Carry With A Round in the Chamber!"-- Active Self Protection (4-1/2 min.)
I commented on "Israeli carry" the other day, and then this came up on my YouTube recommendations, showing examples of why you should conceal carry with a round chambered.

  • Related: "Toronto shooting rampage: New details emerge about gunman Faisal Hussain"--CBS News. The article reports that "a law enforcement source told CBS News that Faisal Hussain visited Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) websites and may have expressed support for the terrorist group. They were looking into whether Hussain may have lived at one time in Afghanistan and possibly Pakistan, the source said."
I would say his name alone is a pretty good clue as to the gunman's motivation. Note the usual "no connection to terrorism" bromide about an incident that is obviously terrorism, committed by a "known wolf" Pakistani Muslim exercising his religious freedom to kill the infidel wherever he may find us. But as long as the authorities and the media continue to pretend that only provable-in-courts-of-law conspiracy cases are "terror links," the public will continue to be ill-served about the scope of the problem.
  • "So who was it?"--Bayou Renaissance Man. Some thoughts on revelations that Clinton's email server was sending copies of emails to a foreign entity. And, that the intel community is stalling on providing information with the hopes that the Democrats wrest back control of the Congress in this fall's elections.
  • "On Point: Imperialist Ventures in Sub-Saharan Africa"--Austin Bay at Strategy Page discusses China's colonialism. An excerpt:
        A Chinese consortium agreed to build $9 billion in infrastructure in return for access to Congolese mineral resources. The 2008 deal specified China would receive reserves of 10 million metric tons of copper and 600,000 metric tons of cobalt. At the time, analysts thought China would ultimately make a couple of billion dollars on the deal, possibly more. The deal also guaranteed China political access to Congo's leaders.
           Congo, however, could not provide the electricity it promised. By 2012, Chinese operators were buying electricity from Zambia. The expenses have mounted. Business analysts argue China could lose billions.
             But what if control was the goal, not profit? One source claimed that Chinese companies own 60 of Katanga's 75 processing plants and China buys around 90 percent of Katanga's mineral exports.
        It is entirely possible that our adversaries will try to bait the US into striking a target surrounded by children. Once the US strikes, they will have cameras ready to document the inevitable pain and sorrow caused by civilian casualties. With social media, the clips will be shared around the globe in hours. It is entirely conceivable that pictures of children suffering, coupled with an adversary’s misleading message could rapidly gain traction and cause a massive drop in public support. This is especially true if the public does not perceive our adversary to be an existential threat to the United States. 
          It's mostly worked against Israel. But it is a strategy that relies on trust in the source. The Palestinians used this for years, but now that people have wised up to their fakery of many incidents, it has become less effective.
          • Cry me a river: "Trans Activists’ Threats To Execute Women Sure Don’t Look Like Social Justice"--The Federalists. After years of forcing this crap down our throats, it appears that lesbians have suddenly discovered that there were unintended consequences in their battle for LGBT rights. Some lesbians are upset that transsexuals are suddenly getting the rights they have been seeking, such as using women's restrooms, accommodations, being moved to the women's penitentiary, and so on. The lesbians--called TERFs (trans-exclusionary radical feminists)--don't want to share facilities with men pretending to be women, and the backlash from the trans and their supporters has been swift and threatening. The author notes, for instance:
                     It’s because we have tried everything else, but gender activists wanted to drive us home in silence. The conservatives I’ve talked with are the only ones standing up for me, and they aren’t pretending to be feminists when they aren’t. It’s because gender politics is destroying children’s health, and people’s lives, and women’s most basic rights, and it should be opposed.
                      If I, or any of my gender-critical friends, were attacked by someone who has said I deserve “the wall” for disagreeing with them, I expect the Left would pretend it didn’t happen. Maybe that seems harsh, but they’ve demonstrated time and again that they care more about the pronouns of trans-identified male murderers than they do about the safety or privacy of women.
                       Down the hill, near the river, in an area now overrun by bush, is the grave of my most celebrated ancestor: my great-grandfather Nwaubani Ogogo Oriaku. Nwaubani Ogogo was a slave trader who gained power and wealth by selling other Africans across the Atlantic. “He was a renowned trader,” my father told me proudly. “He dealt in palm produce and human beings.”
                          Long before Europeans arrived, Igbos enslaved other Igbos as punishment for crimes, for the payment of debts, and as prisoners of war. The practice differed from slavery in the Americas: slaves were permitted to move freely in their communities and to own property, but they were also sometimes sacrificed in religious ceremonies or buried alive with their masters to serve them in the next life. When the transatlantic trade began, in the fifteenth century, the demand for slaves spiked. Igbo traders began kidnapping people from distant villages. Sometimes a family would sell off a disgraced relative, a practice that Ijoma Okoro, a professor of Igbo history at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, likens to the shipping of British convicts to the penal colonies in Australia: “People would say, ‘Let them go. I don’t want to see them again.’ ” Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, nearly one and a half million Igbo slaves were sent across the Middle Passage.
                            My great-grandfather was given the nickname Nwaubani, which means “from the Bonny port region,” because he had the bright skin and healthy appearance associated at the time with people who lived near the coast and had access to rich foreign foods. (This became our family name.) In the late nineteenth century, he carried a slave-trading license from the Royal Niger Company, an English corporation that ruled southern Nigeria. His agents captured slaves across the region and passed them to middlemen, who brought them to the ports of Bonny and Calabar and sold them to white merchants. Slavery had already been abolished in the United States and the United Kingdom, but his slaves were legally shipped to Cuba and Brazil. To win his favor, local leaders gave him their daughters in marriage. (By his death, he had dozens of wives.) His influence drew the attention of colonial officials, who appointed him chief of Umujieze and several other towns. He presided over court cases and set up churches and schools. He built a guesthouse on the land where my parents’ home now stands, and hosted British dignitaries. To inform him of their impending arrival and verify their identities, guests sent him envelopes containing locks of their Caucasian hair.
                            Funeral rites for a distinguished Igbo man traditionally include the slaying of livestock—usually as many cows as his family can afford. Nwaubani Ogogo was so esteemed that, when he died, a leopard was killed, and six slaves were buried alive with him. ...

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